Ch. 1 Moral character of the trafficking researcher rather than ethical character (2012)

Author: Silvia Francesca Stein.

“To the victims of the Nazis. To those who survived.” (Lifton, 2000).

When research subjects, particularly victims of illegal human trafficking, judge me reliable to speak with about dangerous topics, they rely on my having a moral conscience to protect them, while getting their stories out (Laczko, 2000 & Limburg, 1994). I here delineate the difference between being moral, and being ethical (Limburg, 1994), and how being a researcher who prioritizes morality, lead me to question the practices of a religious institution, Roman Catholicism (Stein, 2000 & Stein, 2003b).

Ethical principles in research are useful guidelines, like a mission statement (Limburg, 1994), to help us not only write a good research project, they also provide a demarcation point from which to judge if a person claiming to abide by ethical principles, particularly an ethicist (Limburg, 1994), actually has the personality to  practice what they preach (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010). I learned this from my mentor and employer, a Professor Emeritus of Ethics, Val Limburg, who earlier in his career learned to watch himself on and off camera when producing television news programs in Chicago. From Val I became very conscious that we are not always perceived as acting the way we feel we are, and that often audiences do not interpret what we say the same way (Limburg, 1994). Furthermore, some persons are just deceitful (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010). All these issues can be explained if we consider the values involved, the priority values are awarded, the loyalties of the persons involved, and the indisputable facts of any situation (Limburg, 1994).

Persons with a moral aversion to cheating, and an aversion to cheaters, are the most reliable in research (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010). Measuring a person’s character is not possible by simply taking care that their writing samples are in order, meeting ethical principles (Bateson, 1979). We must also take care that their moral character is one that is horrified by the idea of cheating, not just horrified at the idea of getting caught cheating (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010). Then we know we are employing persons with a moral aversion to cheating, thus the most reliable in research (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010).

Additional character traits are that the persons are, by their own cultural standards, outgoing (extraverted), agreeable (able to negotiate), conscientious (informing other persons of their rights and the possible dangers involved), stable (have security in a network and with resources), and are open (thus able to contemplate the position of the other, even if they disagree) (Limburg, 1994, & Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010).

The tell-tale signs of who will behave unethically, even if they appear ethical in their writing and in a first impression, are persons having the diagnosable personality traits of the “Dark Triad”: psychopathy, with the sub-categories of Machiavellianism, and narcissism (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010). Deceitful researchers can compromise how the facts are presented, and thus compromise the results and interpretation of the findings in a research project (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010). It is not enough that a research project appear to fulfill the three principles of respect, benevolence, and justice (Belmont, 1979), we must also pay heed to the testable moral character and testable personality traits of the researchers authoring and executing the research project (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010). Particularly when researching the issues of handicapped persons (Lifton, 2000 & Swain, Finkelstein, French & Oliver, 2003), the research evaluator of any institution, at the office for the Institutional Review Board (IRB), has to educate and guarantee that the research project authors, mentors, and investigators ethically fulfill their duties, if the project is approved by the IRB office. I know, I am the first Communication scholar, at Washington State University, where I worked with Professor Limburg, to have a National Institute of Health (NIH) project application accepted by the institution's IRB office for submission to NIH (Stein, 2003a).

Thus not only are project proposals reviewed for meeting the required Belmont (1979) principles of respect, benevolence and justice; the individual moral character, personality traits and actions should be measured in evaluating and selecting project personnel and the project author (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010).

When I authored my communication department’s first National Institute of Health project application I sought out native experts from the region, Ukraine. Once on location, in Ukraine, my project would investigate through surveys and a snowball sample population of qualitative interviewees to understand emergent trends, a significant sample size population of Ukrainian women (Stein, 2003a). I also recruited advise from an ethics professor (Limburg, 1994), to make certain I had clearly imagined in my head all the possible dangers to myself, my research colleagues, and our subjects as I wrote our NIH project. My NIH project investigated prostitution in a mafia ridden post-Soviet Ukraine. In completing the NIH application I had to fulfil the IRB protocol requirements and Belmont (1979) principles of respect, benevolence and justice, being that I was responsible for the lives of our faculty and subjects. The danger was high if the religious-affiliated mafia networks overseas, particularly Catholic or Islamic, targeted any of us during our investigation of the subject. My responsibilities included possible provisions to assist rehabilitation of the victims of prostitution and other forms of illegal human trafficking.

Thus, not only did I have to evaluate and anticipate my and my colleagues’ personality traits, in my writing our mission statement for my project. I had to acknowledge the possible dangers to any of us, at the risk of our lives. The threat is the overseas mafia, as a result of the research, targeting us, which they repeatedly did. Fortunately, as part of my Bachelor's in Political Science, I excelled in Marxist studies and knew how to speak and interact with former Soviets on-site and cut through their very superficial religious indoctrination. Trafficking systemically involves civilian police and religious sects superstitiously believing that trafficking is a punishment for persons that do not conform to one religious ideology or another (Stein, 2003b). Preparing any research project, I take the same lengthy and complicated precautions of envisioning the real-life challenges of completing the project. If I cannot see something completed, as part of the envisioning of the goals, I do not participate in it.

My moral obligation (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010) to the safety of everyone, as project author and on-site leader, involved I take precautions utilizing an established research site, in 2003, where previous studies and exchanges had been contracted through the US State Department. My university had established and continued a regional network of security protecting us and our research subjects. In 2003 I made the point to ensure faculty safety overseas by travelling ahead of my group to investigate the dangers, and set up a working network of support in Ukraine anticipating the safety of my faculty joining me overseas. This required for me to take on the chores of a military scout, investigating all the possible mafia trappings within a hundred kilometer region. As project author I felt I was the leader of the project’s vision and had to personally investigate possible safety concerns, as well as determine, before the project initiated, who was a reliable source in our project network, and who was a “cheater” (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010). If the project did not achieve its goals, I was also prepared to finish the research and develop my findings all on my own. Now I know Ukraine very well, having been immersed in the context, and have established a solid international security network protecting me to perform research investigating human phenomena overseas. When working in a foreign country it is essential to have contacts in neighboring countries, so that the researcher's network is greater than the networks of the traffickers, religious sects, and mafia that pose immediate dangers when on-site, whether in Ukraine, Russia, or later in Italy, where I documented the cognitive style of theologians of various religious sects at the Pontifical Gregorian University, by invitation of the Office of the Archbishop of Vienna, facilitating illegal human trafficking and violence to its victims (Laczko, 2000).

My invitation to attend the lectures at the Gregorian Pontifical University, and utilize their historical library collections of precious ancient documents on-site, was a continuation of my M.A. investigation of the disconnect between what is stated, what is imaged, and what is done among Roman Catholics (Stein, 2002). My enrollment at the Gregorian was helpful in following-up my NIH project proposal of how to deprogram victims and prevent victimization of Ukrainians in trafficking (Stein, 2003a) in that I required an understanding of the theological interpretations informing the various cognitive styles, and how to effectively argue any position utilizing the same theological documents as utilized by persons participating in trafficking. My PhD research subject I submitted in 2003 was grounded in ethnographic interviews of Ukrainian young women who had been trafficked into prostitution in western Europe, survived, and returned to Ukraine, often joining an evangelical Christian church in Kyiv, God's Embassy, lead by Pastor Sunday Adelaja, to help others avoid their fate. One young Ukrainian woman, recently married to a non-white member of God's Embassy, provided particularly insightful information on illegal trafficking in her interview. She had recently finished her high-school diploma and was working while attending a technical college, after returning to Ukraine escaping the prostitution mafia that had abducted her. As a young adolescent she had been proficient in English. Since she was marketable to an English speaking market (Laczko, 2000), she was sold to traffickers in Ukraine by her biological brother and removed from Ukraine. Once she was smuggled across the border into Poland, destined for another western European country, she was held in a Roman Catholic church basement used by the trafficker as a stop-over, raped, loosing her virginity and shamed to continue-on into prostitution. Her ability to clearly place the crime of her abduction on her biological family, helped her to not feel shame, and she was able to escape the trauma by clearly establishing for herself a new family, her non-white husband from the African continent, and her new found friends through God's Embassy in Kyiv. Normally I do not advocate evangelical churches, being an agnostic I do not doubt nor impose belief in the existence of a God, though for this young white Ukrainian woman Pastor Sunday Adelaja's ministry was what helped her determine for herself her concept of freedom. My sister had a somewhat similar experience, and decided for herself who to recognize as her family, and whom to not recognize. The young Ukrainian woman's account, and her clear thinking style similar to my sister's, strongly motivated me to investigate the role of Roman Catholic doctrine in facilitating illegal human trafficking, as well as feminicide. Thus by enrolling as an academic at the Pontifical University, I could also examine the Vatican's role in this generational objective of subduing young Slavic women to the will of religious (Stein, 2003b), framing the entirety of my research for eventual publication.

My original intention was to help debrief Ukrainian survivors of trafficking, and to assist youth of university age in Ukraine to avoid becoming victims of trafficking (Stein, 2003a). To understand how these victims and targets think, and how the recruiters and abductors think, requires, through conversation and inter-action analysis, understanding their cognitive style, visual, audio, and somatic orientation points (ideographs), and how they prioritize their orientation points, to identify their ideology and motivation. This requires an understanding of the subconscious, preconscious, and the facade used consciously individually, in small groups, and in the collective as well as in out-group relations. Once you understand someone's, or a culture's cognitive style, how they rationalize, you know how to change cognitive styles for better environmental adaption, survival, and self-determination. Thus to de-program victims, targets, and perpetrators you must see trafficking at all levels across many nations, and understand the micro to change macro patterns through communication interventions and empowerment strategies. Sometimes empowerment is obtained in a community, such as through Pastor Sunday's ministry in Kyiv, although sometimes persons have the material and psychological resources to do it alone. In not finding a verbal communication intervention strategy with native Ukrainian women as verified victims of trafficking, I learned to help them express themselves and their inner vision, a self-visualization strategy (Ayers & Hopf, 1989), depending on their inner sense of self, aside from the negative experiences. This meant that rather than speaking I learned to carefully listen, and try to see as they saw, and learn to accept their rationalization as a sign of my acceptance of them, without judgment. In essence the victims were teaching me skills, and this was their empowering reward, that I listened and could repeat in my own words what they said, as I mirrored them and tried to verify what I heard.

When I arrived in Kyiv, I thought I would use basic Buddhist strategies in conversations of addressing the inner-self, though I found that in a post-Soviet society persons had a sense of inner-worth, perhaps due to their families, having learned to read and interpret for themselves at home prohibited Christian bibles, during communism. Thus my studying Buddhism had helped me to listen, and empathize, taking notes more so than offering advise. Transferring my research to Crimea, in late 2003, I found that university academics were very knowledgeable about Buddhism, world philosophies, and New Age thought. The former Soviets (Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990), in avoiding the thinking traps of religious and ideological sects, pioneered research in past concepts of self that are understood through interpretation of myth and mythological figures (Frog, 2015), much like Carl Jung's theory of archetypes (Jung, 1990).

Professors at a former KGB laboratory at the National university in Simferopol, Crimea, invited me to speak with their faculty that had pioneered studies in psychophysiology, reincarnation, aura and magnetism in interaction issues among humans. The scientific study of psychophysiology as a forensic issue of post-mortem trauma, and future orientation, bringing Buddhist precepts into an empirically testable theory with predictive value in personality studies, was a pioneering success at the National University in Simferopol, Ukraine, under the former Soviet system. The former Soviets are focused on trafficking as a western strategy to subdue the human soul, called a psychophore in reincarnation studies (Stevenson, 1997), so as to generationally control populations under one religious sect or caste system, and extract slave labor. The psychophysiology laboratory in Simferopol, Crimea particularly focused on the west's use of Islamic propaganda to subdue northern white European and indigenous Slavic populations in Ukraine and particularly Crimea. Realizing that the same criticisms are applicable against Roman Catholicism, and the active role through coded wording in Sunday lectures straying from the printed missal, of Catholic parishes in illegal human trafficking and sex slavery abductions (Laczko, 2000 & Stein, 2002), I learned the methodologies used at the psychophysiology laboratory to then prepare me to go into the Pontifical Gregorian University in Rome, Italy and document the rhetorical strategies and rationale taught to Roman Catholic religious, as the Vatican promoted Islamic immigration into Europe from the south (Elsheikh, 2002 & Laczko, 2000). I was personally informed in a face to face interview, in 2004 with Paolo Blasi, PhD in physics, former rector of the University of Florence and board member of the United Nations' International Association of Universities (Elsheikh, 2000). Professor Blasi provided me with what turned-out to be the literature facilitating construction of an Islamic State diaspora through migrations in Europe (Elsheikh, 2002). Thinking I would be his ally in this endeavor, Professor Blasi assisted me with his network, while I was enrolling at the Pontifical University, to investigate the Vatican's doctrinal role in illegal human trafficking (Stein, 2003b).

During my stay in Italy, for academic research, I combined the forensic approaches used by the former Soviets with my background teaching visualization exercises (Ayers & Hopf, 1989) for communication apprehension, and audio and photo documentation of Freudian slips, as cueing a latent memory, usually related to a past life trauma and repressed mental images, to identify persons previously abducted into illegal human trafficking, including Holocaust victims (Stevenson, 1997). This generational approach, relying on touching the needs of previous lives, helped me fulfill the question of how persons who have never known freedom delineate the terms of their own freedom, as the young Ukrainian woman, a victim of illegal human trafficking (Laczko, 2000), mentioned earlier had done for herself.

Survival and escape from illegal human trafficking, by the Ukrainian women I interviewed in Kyiv, might have been due to their originating from a northern European cold weather climate, Ukraine. Once returning with their own money, the women had protection  through feminist NGO's, such as La Strada International in Kyiv (Kempadoo & Doezema, 1998). As a lesbian and an arm amputee, with a Semitic family name, I adopted the strategies of these women in Kyiv to learn for myself how to enforce protection of myself, my hired research assistants, and my interview subjects (Swain, Finkelstein, French, & Oliver, 1998). During my research years in continental Europe I had to ward-off four assailants, and I did so with the confidence the women in Kyiv modelled for me. Essentially I too hired lethal bodyguards and chauffeurs. The women, some who had worked as very expensive escorts for U.S. Congressional figures, invested their money in property and decided who to assist, in their 'new' family, and whom to ignore in Ukraine's troubled economy. One interviewee in 2003 worked part-time as a secretary for Pastor Sunday Adelaja, at Kyiv's Embassy of God ministry. She had a PhD in Geological Engineering for petroleum drilling, before going to France to work as an escort. She informed me that as an escort for U.S. Congressmen and Senators, she could easily earn $7,000 with one assignment. By saving her money she bought a new apartment in Kyiv for her grandmother, and could perform free work for the church while helping organize the ministry. The money some of these survivors earned in three or five years was perhaps rationalized as avoiding an early marriage and an unpleasant divorce. The prostitution and escort work could be equated to the years spent in an unhappy marriage and the money as a divorce settlement. Often the women said they relied on the church's ministry to help them find a good husband on their own terms. Having money these survivors of trafficking could pursue their own studies, career, and hire their own protection against any harassment.

The majority of persons utilizing trafficking routes are from the south (Laczko, 2000). Cold weather nations are primarily not a destination country in trafficking, they are used as trafficking routes (Laczko, 2000). European Union funds mostly address safety of the immigrants, and not a centralized system to enforce laws criminalizing trafficking, traffickers, and those trafficked. Only support is offered after, not prevention before, they are trafficked with the goal to evaluate if they are able to remain replacing indigenous, non-Muslim, populations in warmer European regions or not (Laczko, 2000).

Under the European Union game-plan of accommodation, and not prevention, the goal of substitution is the design for the countries in the south (Laczko, 2000). Italy and Greece carry the heaviest burden in accommodating immigrants, perhaps as a political ploy to bankrupt the European Union, forcing themselves out of the European Union, or the north treating Italy and Greece as second class European Nations, if they remain in the European Union.

The European Union's warm weather generational patriarchal culture trafficking goals sustain the Vatican’s mission (Laczko, 2000, Stein, 2002, & Stein, 2003b): conversions, setting the agenda through parish political discussions globally, marginalizing women so men as advertising crucifixal images are the point of reference for voter tendencies and policies (Laczko, 2000, Fox, Lang, Chung, Lee, Schwartz, & Potter, 2004, Stein, 2002, & Stein, 2003b).

Double-speak, or coded language, is the key symptom of trafficking cultures (Laczko, 2000). When persons grow-up and learn from within a trafficking culture, such as Poland, in which the dominant religion, Roman Catholic, assists in masking the exploitation of trafficking by saying one thing while visually seen doing another (Stein, 2002), members of the culture do not know what they are participating in is in any way wrong, unless the law criminally penalizes the behavior (Laczko, 2000). The participation is cultivated through the training of where a person looks, at what height, for how long, and through the rhetoric in the form of prayers to intensify the indoctrination experience glorifying exploitation (Stein, 2002, Stein, 2003a, & Stein, 2003b).

Noted theologian Gustavo Gutierrez, a Vatican critic, proposed that the crucifix represents the power of the state to punish, the power to oppress, and not of salvation (Henneberger, 2001, McAffee, 1980, & Stein, 2002). In 2001 an Italian school teacher Ornella Orlandi, decided for herself how to interpret its insignificance in a classroom, and was punished (Henneberger, 2001, McAffee, 1980, & Stein, 2002). In 2002 I identified as harmful the crucifixal images used in Roman Catholicism, used to cultivate the cognitive rationalizing style and networks that facilitate the exploitation and trafficking of men and women, that at all levels visually contradict what is officially reported (Stein, 2002). As an example I performed a case study of the crucifix as the key advertising symbol, citing the chain reaction generated by the Italian school teacher who removed the crucifix from her public school classroom (Henneberger, 2001). In Italy, as in most Roman Catholic countries, especially Poland (Laczko, 2000), parishioners, particularly women, are not encouraged to read, much less interpret for themselves, the bible. My study explored the crucifix as re-enforcing patriarchy by eroticizing the possibly false advertising image of the sculpted male (Fox, Lang, Chung, Lee, Schwartz, & Potter, 2004, & Stein, 2002) as what raped the then adolescent Ukrainian girl in the Polish Roman Catholic church basement, as part of preparing her to be trafficked into prostitution, after she was sold into sex slavery by her brother (Laczko, 2000). 

Thus the need to stress the moral character of the researcher, when women's voices and actions expressing their interpretation of morality are raped, marginalized, and silenced (Stein, 2002).

Based on the censorship in Roman Catholicism of women's moral voices (Stein, 2002), in my 2003 mission statement, the abstract for my NIH project (Stein, 2003a), I stated the ethical premises guiding my research project (Belmont, 1979 & Limburg, 1994), I had to state the criminal nature of trafficking in the Ukrainian region and its recent history, since the economic instability of post-Soviet Ukraine (Laczko, 2000). The new economy lead up to our research on victims of prostitution, who had survived systems of abductions, deceptions, and rape that trapped victims into situations of shame, stigma, and exile until they had enough help and resources to return to Ukraine (Laczko, 2000). I addressed concern in my statement that “[a] young woman’s familiarity with English language is an appealing quality to criminal organizations practicing deception and abductions in order to supply the international sex-industry with Ukrainian women possessing typical Slavic features” (Stein, 2003a). Unfortunately, in my case, this statement proved to be true, as I posed as a blonde English speaking woman from Ukraine in Europe, particularly in Kyiv, Ukraine, Rome, Italy and St. Petersburg, Russia. Routinely I was approached and solicited for drugs and sex. I saw my dressing as a Slavic woman as part of my undercover role in understanding first-hand the predicament of Slavic women in the eyes of criminals and their networks here and throughout continental Europe (Stein, 2003a).

In order to keep myself aware of my own ethical conduct (Limburg, 1994), the interventions were audio-videotaped, or photographically recorded, guaranteeing all proper procedures were followed while respecting the rights to full informed consent of the communication anxiety participants (age 18 and older). Benevolence was obtained by my philanthropically provided a free service that detects communication anxiety for participants. My detection and intervention strategy has a proven history of empowering subjects to communicate effectively (Ayers & Hopf, 1989). Social justice was achieved in helping persons who speak English to be more assertive in projecting themselves as autonomous persons. Assertiveness is key to effectively refuting criminal elements that could try to recruit them into drug and prostitution activities during difficult economic periods (Stein, 2003a).

Thus the following chapters are a step by step understanding of how trafficking includes issues such as the Holocaust as the former Soviet faculty in Crimea taught me. Trafficking trauma remains with its victims, and is generationally reinforced by rituals and symbols forming a cultural and structural mind trap. Human behavior can be symbolically triggered and controlled through exposure to images associated with trafficking trauma (Stein, 2002). Seeing ourselves in a different way, can help us break cultural and structural restraints, challenging media representations, as the young woman sold into sex slavery taught me, with our own visions to delineate our own terms of freedom being the key (Ayers & Hopf, 1989). Reviewing pre-Christian stories and myths, as the Soviets did, help us ground our concept of our own self-evolution (Frog, 2015 & Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990). Mythological studies help us think outside of current ideological and religious cognitive structures we have ritually initiated into, escaping these rituals we avoid the thinking traps of religious and ideological sects (Frog, 2015 & Samohvalov & Crilov, 1992). American, Canadian, Ukrainian and Russian researchers have pioneered research in past concepts of self (Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990) that are understood through photography and inter-action analysis (Stevenson, 1997), particularly in evaluating moral reasoning (Limburg, 1994), helping us avoid motivations and obstacles that could make us victims again, or remain victims. Our minds function at the level of verbal and visual memories, forming a real visual grammar, and our selection of exposure to symbols and images can free, or imprison us. Thus, to avoid being lured into trafficking sub-cultures, understanding and anticipating archetypical attractors can help us focus on issues, and not on iconic advertising attractors or crucifixal images (Fox, Lang, Chung, Lee, Schwartz, & Potter, 2004, & Stein, 2002).

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